Diane Goetze

The Revolutionary Laws of Women, created by the women Zapatistas, is often considered the basis of the women’s uprising within the Zapatistas. While this document, along with the Indigenous Women’s Petition, is very sign ificant for this movement and the two represent an interesting split between the "strategic" and "practical" interests of the Zapatista women, there is much more behind the women’s movement within the Zapatistas.

This paper will discuss the question of whether the Zapatista women can be considered a women’s movement, distinct, although not necessarily independent from, the greater Zapatista organization. It is, in many ways, difficult to talk a bout the Zapatista women as a distinct social movement because the women themselves that are involved in the movement do not recognize it as either a women’s or feminist movement. They are not an independent or separate organization from the Zapatistas a s a whole. Nevertheless, when we discuss the creation and definition of a social movement, organized around the needs and rights of women, the Zapatista women can be considered a women’s movement.

The criteria I use to define the Zapatista women as a distinct movement are: 1) they have a collective identity, which is a different identity than that of the Zapatistas as a whole, 2) they have mobilized and acted as a distinct group from within the Zapatistas, 3) they have some demands and goals distinct from the Zapatistas and, 4) they have brought social change within the Zapatista organization as well as in the indigenous populations of Chiapas. Furthermore, the Zaptista women have organized around issues that are specific both to indigenous women in Chiapas as well as themes that concern women worldwide.

Additionally, this paper will describe the Zapatista women’s movement in terms of current feminist and revolutionary theory in an attempt to understand its origins, its struggles, and its successes. Although women have participated in revolutions throughout history, and in many different roles, the Zapatista women have organized in a way that is unique in comparison to other recent revolutionary actions in Latin America.

The Zapatista women do not consider themselves feminist, nor do they consider themselves separately from the Zapatista organization as a whole. In a 1994 interview, Major Ana María was asked if she was part of a group of women. The reply was, "Yes. I am part of the Zapatista National Liberation Army." Nevertheless, from within the organization of the Zapatistas, women have put into motion a women’s movement that has affected women not only in Chiapas, but als o women on a much greater scale. Some of their demands, ideologies, and methods are considered feminist. Thus, the women Zapatistas are effectively using feminism as one of many tools to achieve their goals. While many of the Zapatistas’ demands are sp ecific to their situation, many more of their objectives reach out to the national and international community, to those marginalized and struggling to be heard through a true democracy.

Maxine Molyneux’s widely quoted description of practical and strategic gender interests are of some use in describing the Zapatistas’ Laws and Demands. Strategic gender interests are those demands which are formulated on

While it is useful to define the demands of the Zapatista women in terms of practical and strategic gender interests, one can also see how the two are not necessarily exclusive. Nikki Craske, in her analysis of women’s participation in Colonias Populares, argues that "it may not always be possible to draw such a neat distinction between the two interests; rather there is an overlap between what is practical and what is strategic and it is difficult to set clear-cut bound aries." This paper will describe the Zapatista women’s demands in terms of the overlap between the practical needs of indigenous women in Chiapas and the strategic methods used to achieve them, including feminism.

Saskia Wieringa describes two organizations in Indonesia which appeared to be addressing women’s "practical" gender interests. "However, the context in which their activities were carried out, and the political consc iousness behind them, were very different." This paper will analyze the implications of the Zapatista’s Revolutionary Laws of Women and the Indigenous Women’s Demands and show that while at first glance these demands and goals may seem easily identi fiable as either practical or strategic, there is a great deal of inherent overlap.

Wieringa goes on to explain that problems defined as practical by some women may be considered strategic by others.

Additionally, those gender interests which might be seen as practical by some, such as the request for tortilla makers and corn mills, may actually be strategic interests giving women more time to spend outside the home. Community requ ests for equipment such as cooking materials, animals and craft workshops, which may generally be considered within the traditional role of women, may foster group interaction and discussion of women’s issues within the community. For example, a woman wh o spends some part of her day working in a craft workshop with several other women may discuss such feminist issues as ending domestic abuse or how to increase the value of crafts, when she was previously isolated and had no forum to share concerns and id eas with other women.

Chiapas appears to be full of contradiction and inconsistency to an outsider. Chiapas is a state rich in natural resources, green mountains, and colorful people. Yet the land and the majority of its people have been rap ed and left destitute. For example, it is Mexico’s top producer of hydroelectric energy, yet most homes of indigenous people in Chiapas have no electricity. Chiapas is a main producer of gas and oil, yet most indigenous women cut firewood for cooking. It is the extreme example of the eleven million indigenous people throughout Mexico, most of whom live in extreme poverty. There are high levels of malnutrition, illiteracy and death due to curable diseases in the indigenous communities, which constitute a quarter of Chiapas’ population. (Land—Art. 27) These are injustices that affect thousands of indigenous people throughout Mexico and have contributed to the formation of the EZLN in Chiapas. However, the list of grievances for indigenous wome n continues.

Many recent writings (cite) on Chiapas reflect what both outsiders and indigenous people view as atrocious living conditions in rural Chiapas. In addition, however, many writers (cite) discuss what they view as the machisto attitudes of indigenous men toward women. They cite examples of young girls being sold into marriage and of women being forced to walk behind men, with their heads lowered. While this is true, and is a sign of female subordination in indig enous society, this behavior is not a result of machismo and/or marianismo, as is often assumed. Rosenbaum as well as Ehlers agree that while marianismo is common among women in Latin America, especially in middle-class and/or urban settings, it does not hold true for poor, rural and/or indigenous women. In fact, Rosenbaum (39) goes on to state that "Interdependence between husband and wife in the struggle for survival and in the quest for power and prestige partially counterac ts the negative effects of machismo." "…traditional Maya values and activities—complementarity between the sexes and a view of spiritual strength based on collective rather than individual achievement—foster respect for women."

Before we can begin to interpret the situation of indigenous women in Chiapas, we need to understand the historical and traditional roles of women in agrarian societies, and specifically in Chiapas. Agrarian societies worldwide are generally very hierarchical and patriarchal. Positions & roles of women, necessity of women, freedoms.

While it is true that indigenous people in Mexico are treated poorly, and that women carry the burden of being the most poorly treated among them, . Complications from childbirth is the leading cause of death among indigenous women in Chiapas. In indigenous regions of Chiapas it is not unusual for women to have seven to ten children each, while the state average of Chiapas is much lower. More than half of the indigenous population of Chiapas is below the age of 20 and it is not unusual for girls to be sold into marriage before the age of 15. The infant mortality rate is twice the national norm. Chiapan indigenous women are the least likely to be literate or to speak Spanish and often work an average of 16-18 hours per day, whi le only twelve percent are considered economically active. The living conditions are worse in more isolated and rural areas of Chiapas than in the regions closer to roads and larger towns. Women are expected to take care of all of the domestic chores, w hich can include walking long distances and carrying heavy loads of wood and water. They care for the children and do the washing and the cooking. There are no breaks for sickness or pregnancy. If there are not enough resources for the family, the woma n goes without. Comandanta Ramona explains how these conditions have led to women’s participation in the Zapatista movement:

In the home, women are first expected to fulfill their duties as daughters, wives and mothers at the expense of their own needs, including their personal freedom. Indigenous women are the last to receive basic necessities, such as food and clothing. They are the least likely to speak Spanish, and are more often monolingual than men. Daughters receive resources and education only after their brothers and often play the role of caretakers from a young age. Girls are taught to walk beh ind the men, in silence, with their heads down. Irma, a Captain in the Zapatista Army, explained that women are like property to many men, and that drinking alcohol is often a factor in domestic violence cases. She felt that women had no other choice bu t to put up with this type of abuse until she had the opportunity to join the EZLN.

Thus, in addition to the living conditions affecting the indigenous population of Chiapas, the role of women in society and in the family makes them the most vulnerable part of Mexican indigenous society, as well as Mexican society as a whole. It is not surprising, with the number of grievances for indigenous women in Chiapas, that they are participants in the Zapatista movement. However, the constraints of their subordinate role makes women unlikely candidates for leaders of arme d rebellion and, furthermore, unlikely to protest the structure of the rebellion to create their own demands as women.

Amnesty International’s 1996 report describes a sharp increase in the pattern of violence against women in Mexico, especially indigenous peasants. These women are extremely susceptible to human rights abuses both in the home and in the public sphere. Women who do not speak Spanish are generally perceived as being more vulnerable to abuses by outsiders because they are unlikely report the incident. Those human rights violations that have been reported include torture, rape, forced sterilization, political killings and disappearances, often as a result of participation in political activism or other community organizations. However, the increase in abuse reports does not necessarily mean an increase in abuse, but more likely refle cts an increase in reporting. "…the fact that women are reporting more of these crimes may indicate that they and the organizations which work with them will not be intimidated by these aggressions and, overcoming their fears, they will work towards justice and the punishment of the perpetrators."

Although there was no evidence found to show that the EZLN has directly motivated women to report human rights abuses, several of the women reporting violations were allegedly associated with the EZLN, including a group that was tak en prisoner and tortured as well as several cases of rape and attacks against women in Chiapas. This may indicate that participation in the Zapatista movement has influenced women to be more aware of their rights, and to speak up their defense. We can c learly see through these accounts that the indigenous women of Chiapas are subject to various types of exploitation both in the private and the public sphere. "The patriarchal character of Mexican society is well known; that of the Indian communitie s less recognized but often no less real."

In addition to the maltreatment of women in their own communities, the human rights issues raised above illustrate the treatment of women by Mexican society and officials. "But these conditions make strong women—if they don’t kill them—and such women have challenged the traditional roles. This challenge has found support in the EZLN. Not only are women encouraged to join the EZLN, but they are treated as equals to the point that many women have officer status and men and women a re expected to carry the burdens of work and fighting equally." These circumstances of being strengthened by hardship and empowered by the opportunities of the EZLN have, in part, led to the mobilization of a unique women’s movement in Chiapas. Bei ng a part of the EZLN has offered women the opportunity to show others that they can be educated, serve as leaders, and carry a essential workload. The Zapatista movement has, in many ways, served as an outlet for women to voice their grievances, and, in some cases, a channel to have them met.

Before the 1994 uprising and presentation of the Zapatistas’ demands to the Mexican government, it was decided that it was necessary to form their own set of laws as part of the demands. "A general law was made, but th ere was no women’s law. And so we protested, and said that there has to be a women’s law when we make our demands. We also want the government to recognize us as women. The right to have equality, equality of men and women," explains Major Ana Mar ía, who was one of the women that helped create the laws. Susana, a member of the CCRI-CG, was put in charge of the creation of Revolutionary Laws of Women. She traveled to dozens of communities to ask the opinions of thousands of women. Subcoma ndante Marcos recounts the day when Susana presented the laws to the Committee:

With this, the women Zapatistas had won their first major battle. They had used their empowerment from within the Army to form a new tool for creating equality between the genders in the communities. The Laws would be translated, rais ing the consciousness of women in all of the villages it reached, regardless of education. The knowledge that these laws exist is the first step in mobilizing women to form a movement, which is still growing. The fact that the man who disputed the Laws was quickly subdued shows the power that women had already gained within the EZLN.

The inclusion of women in the EZLN from its origins has been a struggle of its own. Major Ana María was one of the first women soldiers in the EZLN: "I entered [the EZLN] when I was very young. I was 14 years old when I entered the struggle. At first there were only tow women of the 8 or 10 people when we started the movement more than ten years ago." Many of the soldiers in the EZLN joined at a very young age. They began to take up arms in training fo r self-defense against the "guardias blancas." Perhaps the women who joined the Zapatistas at such young ages also joined in self-defense against forced marriage or physical abuse. At age thirteen "Isidora" was already determi ned to escape her community to become a Zapatista. She was motivated by the idea of freedom and the opportunity for education. However, because she was so young, Isidora was returned to her family, as the Zapatistas did not want the communities to say t hey were robbing young girls. Isidora eventually won permission from her community to join the Army in order to escape harsh beatings from her uncle. Thus, women and girls, in many cases, had to overcome obstacles simply in order to join the EZLN. Most joined without the permission of their families.

Manuel, a civilian member of the CCRI-CG, confirmed that it is a lot of work explaining the struggle of equality to the indigenous men of Chiapas. It seems that it is even more difficult to change the patriarchal traditions of the indi genous communities than to accustom the combatants of the EZLN to taking orders from women commanders. While the female combatants of the EZLN not only have the ability to become high ranking officials in the army, as well as social rights such as the ri ght to choose a dance partner, to choose a sexual partner or to use contraceptives, many civilian women in Chiapas have not yet gained these rights. Subcomandante Marcos admits that the civilians are still practicing customs that "don’t belong even in a pre-revolutionary situation." Indigenous women are still forced into marriage, beaten by their husbands and denied education. However, in speaking for the compañeras, he also says that they will ensure their freedom, respect and dignity by fighting for it, by earning it, not by simply asking for it. "In the same way, the government can’t concede us our rights as Indigenous peoples; we have to fight for them. The women are also fighting for them, many times in very radical ways."

The women in the EZLN have gained respect from their male counterparts by learning how to fight and becoming soldiers and through these experiences, equality is beginning to permeate other aspects of life. For example, Marcos describes compañeros who are political revolutionaries, but who do not extend their revolutionary ideals into their personal lives and relationships with women. This is slowly changing as the women Zapatistas combat the sexist attitudes carried by m ost of the men in their midst. For example, many men within the EZLN had difficulties taking orders from female commanders, but have since learned that women can do work other than domestic chores. Men in the EZLN are learning a new respect for women as knowledgeable, educated leaders.

As supporters of the Zapatistas, women have been active not only as soldiers, but even more so within the indigenous communities. The support of women in the communities has been vital to the communication and security of the E ZLN. As more and more women and men became Zapatistas, the line between the combatant forces and the civilian forces became unclear and the presence of the Zapatistas began to permeate indigenous society. As the level of consciousness regarding the Zapa tista movement increased in the communities, Marcos recounts also the children’s change in behavior: "Before the war, the girls played about what they were going to be when they grew up—and now even more. That instead of getting married, they are g oing to the mountain to make their lives, to learn Spanish. This is almost impossible for an indigenous woman, to learn Spanish, and how to use a weapon—that’s a big jump…"

The women of the indigenous communities, many of whom did not leave their communities to become soldiers, are responsible for a variety of tasks including advising their village if there is danger from the military, caring for children whose parents are combatants and organizing study groups, as well as the voluntary task of sending food and supplies to the EZLN. Other Zapatista supporters become involved through family ties. Some soldiers, including women, go to the mountains with a b rother or other family member. Some women become supporters within their community, by providing food or participating in the communication network, in response to having a child or other family member participating in the armed struggle. Still others s ew uniforms for the Zapatista soldiers and build small bombs or parts for guns.

Through working with the Zapatistas to provide these services, it is inevitable that these women’s consciousness will be raised in regards to the ideology of the Zapatistas, as well as their heightened contact with people both within an d outside of their communities. Consciousness comes in a variety of ways for different women. Ramona described her realization that women needed to become organized as a result of urbanization. Ramona left her community in search of work and soon becam e aware of the differences between the treatment of campesinas and other women in society. It was soon thereafter that she became a member of the EZLN and has since become a symbol for struggling women.

The consciousness raising process has been a priority for the Zapatistas. Those that leave their communities to become insurgents are first taught how to read and write and to speak in Spanish. Later, soldiers are taug ht combat tactics and politics to enable them to continue teaching the ideology of the Zapatistas to others.

Within the indigenous communities the struggle for women’s equality is more difficult. On a local level, communities are concerned with the movement as a whole, but consciousness-raising regarding women’s rights are very slow to take h old. Subcomandante Marcos admits, in a 1994 interview, that "there are compañeros in towns who need to have things explained more about our struggle so that they will understand, so that they will begin to understand that there needs t o be equality." From my own observations in Chiapas, it seems that the Zapatistas have not yet been successful in disseminating information, including the existence and content of the Women’s Revolutionary Laws, and raising consciousness specificall y about women’s issues.

As stated earlier in this paper, there have been an increase in the number of human rights abuses reported, particularly against women, since the Zapatista uprising in January 1994. This may not only reflect the increase in reporting, but an actual increase in politically motivated abuses by military and military supporters. There has been significant militarization of the state of Chiapas over the past three years. Federal soldiers are literally camped around each ind igenous village in the Lacandón Jungle. These camps expose the communities, and particularly the women, to continual harassment, intimidation and cultural disruption. The soldiers’ presence restricts the lives of women who are constantly proposit ioned and threatened with rape. "Finding it unsafe to travel to and from Oventic, the women are having great difficulty supporting themselves with their artisanry. They are no longer free to purchase the thread they need or to take their work to to wn to sell. When they buy thread now, it is from a store which is closer to their community, but more expensive."

Unfortunately, this kind of harassment can be somewhat effective for the military. Women, whose primary concerns are to provide for their families, may decline support for the Zapatistas in hopes of less intimidation from the Mexic an military. However, it is unlikely that this will have long-term effects on the Zapatista women’s movement. Many women who have suffered rape and other abuses by the military or "guardias blancas" continue to struggle for women’s rights alon gside the Zapatistas.

Various conferences and conventions have been held since the 1994 uprising to discuss local, national and international issues of democracy, justice and liberty. On a local level, Zapatista women have participated in both t he Chiapas Conference for Campesinos and Indigenous People as well as the State Convention of Chiapan Women. Almost three-hundred peasant organizations participated in the Conference soon after the 1994 uprising, including several that were exclusi vely for women campesinas. Some specific needs of women were discussed such as credit for land, participation in organizations and pensions to war widows. At the State Convention in May 1995, political, social, economic and cultural demands specif ic to the women of Chiapas were discussed, and the space in the struggle opened by the EZLN was acknowledged. Indigenous women have also been active in the Peace with Social Justice marches organized in the municipalities that have been affected by the c onflict. At these marches, women have been able to discuss issues of poverty and single motherhood, as well as other gender-specific problems.

More recently, 5,000 indigenous women marched wearing the trademark Zapatista ski-masks in San Andres Larrainzar, Mexico, to celebrate International Women’s Day on March 8, 1997. The space in the struggle opened by the EZLN has also be en acknowledged by the greater feminist movement in Mexico. Also on International Women’s Day this year, thousands of women marched in Mexico City’s main plaza to embrace feminism and denounce the militarization of Chiapas. Blanca Nova, a representative of the FZLN was an honored speaker.

On a national level, in Mexico, even more conventions have been organized and covered the issues of the Zapatistas, including the issues of rural indigenous women. The EZLN organized the National Democratic Convention in August 199 4 and over 6,000 people attended from dozens of countries around the world. Women’s and feminist issues were only some of the vast topics discussed at the convention. Women from 25 non-governmental organizations articulated the needs of women in Chiapas and formed the Convención Estatal de Mujeres Chiapanecas (Chiapas State Women’s Convention). This group continues to work with indigenous women and to develop links with feminist groups in Mexico City and provide education for indigenous w omen. "This is the first independent statewide women’s network in Mexico and also the first large-scale organization of indigenous women."

Throughout Mexican civil society, there is a tremendous reaction not only to the Zapatista movement, but to the women’s movement it has inspired and brought into view. Harry Cleaver writes about the actions taken by various groups inde pendent of the EZLN, but apparently inspired by them, including peasants, students, workers, and women. "How far these aftershocks will reach and how much they will change the world will depend not just on the EZLN or on the Indians of Chiapas, but on the rest of us."

On an international level, there has been an amazing response to the Zapatistas. In July 1996, was the Encuentro Intercontinental held at the various Aguascalientes in the Lacandón Jungle at which feminism w as a main topic. During the same time period, Pastors for Peace, a U.S. based organization, formed a women’s delegation to travel to Chiapas in solidarity with the Zapatistas. International responses particular to the women Zapatistas include a natio nal women’s committee created by the National Commission for Democracy in Mexico to build awareness and support among women in the U.S. for the Zapatista and indigenous women in Chiapas. This solidarity network is only one of many that has responded in s olidarity with the Zapatistas. There are many that have reacted through unity based on class, ethnicity and political views, as well as gender.

Comandante Ramona has become a symbol of struggling women worldwide. She was the first woman EZLN comandante presented in the media, and soon thereafter disappeared from the public eye due to illness. However , more recently, Ramona has reappeared in the spotlight. When the Zapatistas requested permission to safely travel to Mexico City to participate in the National Indigenous Right Conference in October 1996, the Mexican government denied it. There was som e discussion of Zapatista leaders leaving Chiapas without permission of the government until Ramona asked to be sent. The government conceded to the frail comandante’s request and she traveled to Mexico City amid many fans and supporters.

This was considered a victory for the Zapatistas and for Ramona who wished to speak with indigenous people from all over the Americas. Ramona’s trip to the capital was symbolic in many ways as a triumph for struggling women worldwi de, but particularly for Native American women’s rights. Ramona’s presence in the media has helped to re-focus the public’s eye on women’s issues in Mexico and abroad.

We the indigenous campesina women ask for the immediate solution to our urgent needs, which the government has never met:

1. Child-birth clinics with gynecologists so that campesina women can receive necessary medical attention.
2. Day-care centers must be built in the communities.
3. We ask the government to send enough food for the children in all the communities such as: milk, corn starch, rice, corn, soy, oil, beans, cheese, eggs, sugar, soup, oatmeal, etc.
4. Kitchens and dining halls, with all the necessary equipment, must be built for the children in the communities.
5. Corn mills and tortilla-makers must be placed in the communities according to the number of families in each area.
6. We should be given the materials necessary to raise chickens, rabbits, sheep, pigs, etc., including technical advice and veterinary services.
7. We ask for the ovens and materials necessary to build bakeries.
8. We want craft workshops to be built, including machinery and materials.
9. There must be a market where crafts can be sold at a fair price.
10. Schools must be built where women can receive technical training.
11. There must be preschools and day-care centers in the rural communities where the children can have fun and grow up strong, morally and physically.
12. As women we must have sufficient transportation to move from one place to another and to transport the products of the various projects we will have.

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